Joseph Langston
Ohio University, Psychology, Graduate Student
- Social Psychology, Moral Psychology, Atheism, Skepticism, History of Atheism, Agnosticism, and 30 moreDeism and Freethought, Nonreligion, Sociology of Religion, Psychology of Religion, Philosophy of Social Science, Sociology, Psychology, Anthropology of Religion, Atheism/Secular Studies, Secularization, Secularisms and Secularities, Secularism, Irreligion, Cognitive Science of Religion, Religious Studies, Religion, Social Movements, Secular Humanism, New Atheism, Politics of Secularism, Philosophy Of Religion, Cognitive Science, Theory of Religion, Evolution of Religion, Cognitive Anthropology, Morality (Social Psychology), Philosophy of Cognitive Science, Ara Norenzayan, Russell McCutcheon, and Locus of Controledit
- I am a psychology PhD student with research interests pertaining to cultural, cognitive, and evolutionary psychologic... moreI am a psychology PhD student with research interests pertaining to cultural, cognitive, and evolutionary psychological approaches to religion and atheism. More specifically, I’m interested in:
• structural and individual factors in religious change
• the existential security thesis of religion
• the cognitive science of religion
• the psychology of atheism
My research generally addresses:
(a) how religious beliefs and practices are transmitted (or not) across generations, and what makes this process more or less effective
(b) how or why people become more "religious" or less "religious" over the human lifespan in different cultures
(c) how the cultural and cognitive factors involved in such changes can be statistically modeled
I also organize the Atheist Research Collaborative (www.atheistresearch.org), which seeks to advance research within the sociology and psychology of atheism and nonreligion.
My ongoing research projects can be found here: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Joseph_Langston/projectsedit - Kimberly Riosedit
This descriptive, exploratory study divided nonbelievers (N = 1939) into four group membership categories and analyzed a variety of views, attitudes, and opinions on nonbeliever organization goals; religion and religious belief; and... more
This descriptive, exploratory study divided nonbelievers (N = 1939) into four group membership categories and analyzed a variety of views, attitudes, and opinions on nonbeliever organization goals; religion and religious belief; and nonbeliever movement activism and participation. We determined five major findings. First, the elimination of religion and proselytization of nontheism were minority goals among nonbelievers. Second, females were moderately less hostile or critical toward religion than males, although a majority of female nonbelievers would still neither always refrain from nor always engage in criticizing, mocking, and/or ridiculing religion and religious beliefs. Third, most unaffiliated nonbelievers did not join groups because it was a low priority; they simply did not have the time, money, or, they considered group events to be inconvenient. Fourth, approximately a third of unaffiliated nonbelievers in our sample would join groups if such groups were local, or if events were more convenient. Lastly, practical rather than ideological barriers contributed more to lack of membership and participation.
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The study of religious conversion has historically neglected how nonbelievers (i.e. atheists) come to adopt a belief in a god or gods, and thus cannot address whether findings and theories from previous research apply to atheists. In... more
The study of religious conversion has historically neglected how nonbelievers (i.e. atheists) come to adopt a belief in a god or gods, and thus cannot address whether findings and theories from previous research apply to atheists. In order to assess how atheists converted to Christianity, we performed a thematic analysis of 111 biographical narratives obtained from the open Internet. Our analysis yielded 10 recurring thematic elements, which we termed: hardship; authentic example; unfamiliarity/pseudo-familiarity (with Christianity or Christians); contra atheism; religious study; intellectualism; numinous experiences; openness to experience; ritual behaviors; and social ties. We draw logical connections between these themes and connect them to previous research. Our results impress the need for a more flexible, and therefore less sequential or stage-based, theoretical approach to conversion.
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The cultural learning concept of Credibility Enhancing Displays (CREDs) concerns the extent to which behavioral models consistently live out their professed ideals. While researchers have suggested that past CRED exposure is an important... more
The cultural learning concept of Credibility Enhancing Displays (CREDs) concerns the extent to which behavioral models consistently live out their professed ideals. While researchers have suggested that past CRED exposure is an important variable for predicting who does and does not become a religious believer, it is unclear how CREDs relate to when a person rejects the religious beliefs modelled to them during their upbringing. Using a large sample of formerly believing atheists, two analyses assessed the ability of CREDs to predict the age at which an individual became an atheist. In the first analysis (n = 5,153), CREDs were positively associated with a delay in Age of Atheism, with family-level religious variables (Religious Importance, Religious Choice, and Religious Conflict) moderating this relationship. In the second analysis (n = 3,210), CREDs remained a stable predictor of Age of Atheism while controlling for demographics, parental quality, religious variables, relational variables, and institutional variables. Overall, while findings support a robust relation of CREDs to atheistic outcomes even when controlling for many other variables that influence religious transmission processes, they also highlight the importance of considering how such other variables modify the impact of CREDs on (non)religious outcomes.
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The objective of this study was to test Hunter’s Durkheimian theory of atheism by examining the impact of age, race, and gender on external locus of control and, in turn, the impact of external locus of control on atheist/theist... more
The objective of this study was to test Hunter’s Durkheimian theory of atheism by examining the impact of age, race, and gender on external locus of control and, in turn, the impact of external locus of control on atheist/theist identification. I hypothesized that the lower likelihood of atheist identification among women, minorities, and the elderly would be explained by their greater external locus of control. I sent a nineteen-question online survey to various atheist, Christian, Buddhist, Hindu, and Islamic organizations and conducted univariate ANOVAs to examine relevant external locus of control differences between demographic and atheist/theist groups. I then used a path analysis to examine the model in question (N = 1,002), with the variables of age, race, gender, external locus of control, and atheist/theist identification. Nonwhites, females, and theists were found to have higher external locus of control than whites, males, and atheists. After controlling for age, race, and gender, the latent variable of external locus of control showed a small capacity to explain variance in atheist/theist identification (R2= 0.18). Results demonstrate partial support for Hunter’s Durkheimian theory. I discuss alternative explanations for atheist identification demographic patterns across age, race, and gender; examine shortcomings of Hunter’s theory; and recommend specific future research into locus of control and atheism/theism.
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This exploratory study contributed to research on nonbelievers, their communities, and the atheist movement in general by dividing nonbelievers (N=1,939) into four groups based on degree of formal affiliation and assessing attitudes,... more
This exploratory study contributed to research on nonbelievers, their communities, and the atheist movement in general by dividing nonbelievers (N=1,939) into four groups based on degree of formal affiliation and assessing attitudes, perceptions, and preferences in three areas. First, we examined the preferences of nonbelieving group members (“secular affiliates”), former members, and nonbelieving non-members (“secular nonaffiliates”) on nonbeliever group goals, functions, and activities. Second, we examined the perceptions of secular affiliates regarding why secular nonaffiliates do not join nonbeliever groups as well as the reasons given by secular nonaffiliates as to why they do not join these groups. Third, we asked a series of questions on nonbelievers’ preferences around how to best approach religion and religious individuals. Seventy-seven percent of all respondents opted for the group goal of charitable contributions and humanitarian activities, while only 23% of all respondents selected “proselytizing” as a desirable group goal. Secular nonaffiliates’ strongest reason for not joining groups was that joining such groups was a low priority for them, followed by nonbelief not being a salient part of their identity. Notably, approximately one third of secular nonaffiliates indicated that they would join such groups if they were locally available. Neither maximum accommodation nor confrontation with religion was indicated by a majority of nonbelievers, though more respondents opted for accommodation (60%) than confrontation (25%). Most respondents indicated that their willingness to attack or ridicule religion was not absolute, but rather context dependent.
ERRATUM: Any presentation of gender analysis excludes nine respondents, not six, as stated. Labels for "Depends" and "Focus Within" on Table 5 should be switched. The partial eta squared value for table ten is ".01", not ".35".
ERRATUM: Any presentation of gender analysis excludes nine respondents, not six, as stated. Labels for "Depends" and "Focus Within" on Table 5 should be switched. The partial eta squared value for table ten is ".01", not ".35".
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Nonreligion is often thought to be commensurate with nihilism or fatalism, resulting in the perception that the nonreligious have no source of meaning in life. While views to this effect have been advanced in various arenas, no empirical... more
Nonreligion is often thought to be commensurate with nihilism or fatalism, resulting in the perception that the nonreligious have no source of meaning in life. While views to this effect have been advanced in various arenas, no empirical evaluation of such a view has been conducted. Using data from the 2008 American General Social Survey (N = ~1,200), we investigated whether atheists, the religiously unaffiliated, and persons raised religiously unaffiliated were more likely than theists, the religiously affiliated, and persons raised with a religious affiliation to report greater levels of fatalism, nihilism, and the perception that meaning in life is self-provided. Results suggested that these groups did not differ with regard to fatalism or nihilism. However, atheists and the religiously unaffiliated (but not persons raised in a religiously unaffiliated household) were more likely to indicate that meaning in life was endogenous—that is, self-produced. While atheists and the nonreligious differed from their counterparts on source of meaning in life, this was not associated with any “penalty” for overall existential meaning
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OBJECTIVE: To examine relationship between presence/absence of father in childhood or male figure in adolescence and belief/non-belief in God. Variable of image of God as masculine/feminine was added to assess its potential as a... more
OBJECTIVE: To examine relationship between presence/absence of father in childhood or male figure in adolescence and belief/non-belief in God. Variable of image of God as masculine/feminine was added to assess its potential as a moderator. Those with absent fathers were hypothesized to evince greater rate of non-belief.
METHODS: Using secondary data analysis, a path analysis was employed, constituted by two linear regression analyses, to examine data from the 2008 GSS Cross-Section version 2 (N = 2,023).
RESULTS: Hypothesis was unconfirmed. No relationships were found to have significance at the .001 level. Neither linear regression analysis met a .30 threshold for association (LRA 1, R = .09; LRA 2, R = .06) or .001 threshold for significance. Results were nevertheless generalizable from sample to population due to the large number of cases.
DISCUSSION: Future research should seek to obtain samples where believers and non-believers are more equally represented. Inclusion of attachment scales, dynamic religiosity measures, and control and additional variables are recommended. Results are discussed in light of attachment theory.
METHODS: Using secondary data analysis, a path analysis was employed, constituted by two linear regression analyses, to examine data from the 2008 GSS Cross-Section version 2 (N = 2,023).
RESULTS: Hypothesis was unconfirmed. No relationships were found to have significance at the .001 level. Neither linear regression analysis met a .30 threshold for association (LRA 1, R = .09; LRA 2, R = .06) or .001 threshold for significance. Results were nevertheless generalizable from sample to population due to the large number of cases.
DISCUSSION: Future research should seek to obtain samples where believers and non-believers are more equally represented. Inclusion of attachment scales, dynamic religiosity measures, and control and additional variables are recommended. Results are discussed in light of attachment theory.
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The argument is made that, while Judeo-Christianity was, by and large, historically oppressive of or for women, the religion today serves more so as a vehicle and means to feminine empowerment, liberation, and self-determination, a fact... more
The argument is made that, while Judeo-Christianity was, by and large, historically oppressive of or for women, the religion today serves more so as a vehicle and means to feminine empowerment, liberation, and self-determination, a fact not so much overlooked by modern feminists as it is one which is rather underappreciated.
Research Interests: Sociology of Religion, Ethics, Feminist Theory, Marxism, Gender History, and 19 moreFeminist Philosophy, Sexuality, Gender and Sexuality, Gender, Empowerment, Sigmund Freud, Feminism, Michel Foucault, Women's Empowerment, Social and Political Philosophy, Religious History, Solidarity Economy, Religious Studies, Gender Issues and Women Empowerment, Judeo-Christianity, Privilege and Oppression, Theories of Socialism, Antiglobalization Social Movements, and Latin American feminisms
An overview of the scholarship examining the relationship between religion, socioeconomic structure/status, and inequality in the United States, beginning in the 1940s and moving into contemporary times.
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In this theoretical and methodological article, I argue for an extension of Lanman’s Threat and Action Theory which includes external locus of control, relative deprivation, and aspects of culture and ecological context. Threat and Action... more
In this theoretical and methodological article, I argue for an extension of Lanman’s Threat and Action Theory which includes external locus of control, relative deprivation, and aspects of culture and ecological context. Threat and Action Theory posits a top-down process which lacks mechanisms to link threats to outcomes, and thus depends upon a linear path from environmental threats to individual-level behavior. I highlight research which addresses how subjective variables link environmental conditions and cognitive and behavioral outcomes. External locus of control and relative deprivation may indicate how the impact of objective factors has been dispersed, experienced, or mediated at the individual level and across social and geographical locations. Lanman’s theory also does not contain cultural variables, and I highlight research suggesting that a consideration of levels of theism and non-theism would be incomplete without examining cultural factors. I conclude with methodological and theoretical considerations pertaining to TAT and the broader Existential Security Thesis.
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This is the conference presentation slide deck for the paper, "What Do You Mean, What Does It All Mean: Atheism, Nonreligion, and Life Meaning", with Thomas Coleman III and David Speed.
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This is a book review of Stephen LeDrew's 2016 book, The Evolution of Atheism. Published in October 2018, in the Social Science Journal.
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Darren Sherkat’s Changing Faith analyzes how religion in America has changed over the past several decades, how these changes have shaped our social, political, and economic lives, and how these changed lives in turn come full circle to... more
Darren Sherkat’s Changing Faith analyzes how religion in America has changed over the past several decades, how these changes have shaped our social, political, and economic lives, and how these changed lives in turn come full circle to affect the larger structure of American religion. Utilizing the General Social Survey [1972–2012] and a demographic approach, Sherkat delivers a nuanced treatment that encourages readers to step outside previous approaches to understanding religion in America. Our religious beliefs, affiliations, and activities influence our lives in complex ways, but the manner in which they do so changes over time as the demographic composition of America changes.
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Developed in 2004 by Harvard and University of Michigan social scientists, the Existential Security Thesis of Religion (EST) states that (1) as societies develop from agrarian to industrial to postindustrial, their levels of human... more
Developed in 2004 by Harvard and University of Michigan social scientists, the Existential Security Thesis of Religion (EST) states that (1) as societies develop from agrarian to industrial to postindustrial, their levels of human development (e.g. per capita GDP, unemployment rates, mortality rates) increase ; and (2) along with #1, in those industrial and postindustrial nations where levels of socioeconomic inequality also decrease , these two changes together subsequently decrease the importance of religion in people's lives, which manifests itself in declining levels of church attendance, frequency of prayer, and ultimately belief in God.
In this presentation, we will cover the specific elements and full structure of the theory, the cross-national data that support the theory, which cover more than 100 nations, and other research findings that validate the theory, some as recent as 2016.
In this presentation, we will cover the specific elements and full structure of the theory, the cross-national data that support the theory, which cover more than 100 nations, and other research findings that validate the theory, some as recent as 2016.
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The University of Colorado - Colorado Springs Multicultural Office for Student Access, Inclusiveness and Community (MOSAIC) and the Center for Religious Diversity and Public Life have jointly offered this religious diversity event, in the... more
The University of Colorado - Colorado Springs Multicultural Office for Student Access, Inclusiveness and Community (MOSAIC) and the Center for Religious Diversity and Public Life have jointly offered this religious diversity event, in the belief that it is essential for students to learn about the diverse religions of the world and specifically in Colorado Springs.
The event was called “Speed Dating with God”. The format was a series of 15 minute discussions. Each discussion leader had their own table dedicated to their specific religion. Participants moved from table to table (to mirror a traditional Speed Dating event). At the end of the night, each participant had visited every table, and was given a sampling of the ideology or education about stereotypes or misconceptions.
I represented the perspective of atheism to the audiences, composed of both students and members of the local public. I first defined atheism, and noted that it was not a religion, a philosophy, or an ideology. I then explained that being an atheist was not necessarily incompatible with many other beliefs, such as belief in the supernatural or the afterlife. I concluded by pointing out that it is highly likely that atheists can be found on either side of any given social, political, or ideological divide or belief binary, and that atheism is strictly a proposition related to not accepting or rejecting theism.
The event was called “Speed Dating with God”. The format was a series of 15 minute discussions. Each discussion leader had their own table dedicated to their specific religion. Participants moved from table to table (to mirror a traditional Speed Dating event). At the end of the night, each participant had visited every table, and was given a sampling of the ideology or education about stereotypes or misconceptions.
I represented the perspective of atheism to the audiences, composed of both students and members of the local public. I first defined atheism, and noted that it was not a religion, a philosophy, or an ideology. I then explained that being an atheist was not necessarily incompatible with many other beliefs, such as belief in the supernatural or the afterlife. I concluded by pointing out that it is highly likely that atheists can be found on either side of any given social, political, or ideological divide or belief binary, and that atheism is strictly a proposition related to not accepting or rejecting theism.
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This presentation is primarily concerned to show indicators of the rise in nonreligion, atheism, and secularity in the United States (and with minor and brief reference to global rates). Throughout the presentation, I provide information... more
This presentation is primarily concerned to show indicators of the rise in nonreligion, atheism, and secularity in the United States (and with minor and brief reference to global rates). Throughout the presentation, I provide information that describes atheists, agnostics, and nones, and I refer to causality and theories on what lies behind this rise in recent decades. However, the main thrust here is that a solid statistical and data driven case can be made for a rise in various indicators of secularity, and that this rise did happen and is currently happening. None of this is meant to suggest that such a rise will continue or that religion is dying out or will become extinct soon. It does not also take into account any of the indicators which would demonstrate the increasing strength or revitalization of religion, as there are surely indicators which would point in that direction.
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This is a critical response to Harold Takooshian's entry, "How Important Are Fathers?" in APA Division 36's Newsletter 40 (2).
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Is the use of critical thinking and reasoning a superior factor in explanations of atheism? Many studies link higher levels of religiosity to lower levels of intelligence, while others reveal negative relationships between belief in gods... more
Is the use of critical thinking and reasoning a superior factor in explanations of atheism? Many studies link higher levels of religiosity to lower levels of intelligence, while others reveal negative relationships between belief in gods and scientific training, higher education, and access to information (i.e., the Internet). In this paper, we critique a “cognitive critique” approach which views “religion” as a system of explanations diametrically opposite of and inferior to science and scientific thinking, and thus one dispelled by the application of intellectualism. In particular, we review five domains (theoretical, individual differences, information technology, science, and higher education), and show that each contains at least some evidence against the validity of the cognitive critique. Because intellectualism probably plays a more limited role than previously thought, we conclude that nonbelief may not typically or even mostly result from intellectualism. Future models of atheism should assess alternate explanations alongside intellectual factors.
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This is the Introduction section of a work in progress, on how and why people become atheists.
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A discussion of changes in rates of nonreligion and atheism around the world is divided into three parts. Part one discusses the existential security thesis (EST; Norris & Inglehart, 2011) and why existential security (the security axiom)... more
A discussion of changes in rates of nonreligion and atheism around the world is divided into three parts. Part one discusses the existential security thesis (EST; Norris & Inglehart, 2011) and why existential security (the security axiom) is theoretically linked to religious decline, along with the role of the cultural traditions axiom in religious maintenance or decline. Part two reviews the relation of conservation values and openness-to-change values in relation to (non)religiosity. The final part delivers a pointed critique of the explanatory ability of “cognitive critique” factors; “intellectualism” as a key explanation for rising nonreligion is found wanting. Overall, I suggest that increasing existential security promotes a diffusion of openness-to-change values (and/or erodes the conservation values of tradition, conformity, and security), and that this is the main factor underlying rising rates of nonreligious identification in various nations around the world.
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This document contains 111 narrative cases detailing conversions from atheism to Christianity. My colleagues and I used these narratives in a recently accepted manuscript.
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The questions of why people believe in supernatural agents, and why such beliefs are so widespread, have occupied the attention of scholars old and new alike. Psychologists of religion, and particularly practitioners of the cognitive... more
The questions of why people believe in supernatural agents, and why such beliefs are so widespread, have occupied the attention of scholars old and new alike. Psychologists of religion, and particularly practitioners of the cognitive science of religion, have sought out psychological mechanisms which underpin the cross-cultural prevalence of beliefs in and representations of supernatural agency. The purpose of the proposed study is to test compensatory control theory by assessing whether experimental threats to one's sense of personal control predict or causally contribute to various supernatural agency representations across distinct cultures (Fiji, New Zealand, and India). In particular, I propose the use of three experiments to test explanations where the impact of control threats on supernatural agency representations is further facilitated by need for closure, a motivational construct representing preferences for order, certainty, and predictability.
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